1 Phytotherapy in context
The Origins of Herbal Therapeutics
The Common Origins of Diet and Medicine
The search for food by early peoples inevitably led to encounters with plants that were discovered to be either toxic or therapeutic – sometimes both (depending on the amount ingested and the constitution of the individual). The development of herbal medicine thus occurred alongside adventures in determining the diet, so that we might consider herbal medicine to represent a branch, or offshoot, of nutrition. Zysk and Tetlow (2001) have observed that: ‘The most traditional source of Ayurvedic medicine is the kitchen. It is likely that, at an early stage of its development, Indian medical and culinary traditions worked hand in hand with each other’. Beyond India, across the planet, we can suggest that the origin of the pharmacy lies in the kitchen.
The interaction between people and plants is, however, not straightforward. Rather it can be seen as a process of mutual adaptation, a dynamic evolutionary interplay. This deep engagement necessarily involves the full range of plant chemistry, running the gamut from attraction to repulsion, nutriment to poison. The ethnobotanist and professor of nutrition, Timothy Johns (1996), has described how the search for sustenance also laid the foundations for plant medication:
In this statement Johns touches on three key points:
• The connection between the sense of taste and the perception of pharmacology
• The ability of humans to adapt to and utilize physiologically potent plant compounds
• The profound degree to which the medicinal plant–person interface has evolved.
Matters of Taste
Early medical systems were founded on:
• The interpretation of sensory information personally experienced when taking medicinal substances (e.g. did the item make you feel hot or cold, stimulated or sleepy, etc.)
• The observation of the effects of these substances on others
• A close observation of nature and the environment – which provided an explanatory and integrating framework for practice.
The sense of taste is at the core, as the primary sensory engagement with medicinal substances at the point that they enter the body. In the Hippocratic tradition ‘eight qualities of taste’ are recognized: sweet, fatty, acid, bitter, pungent, salty, bilious and astringent (Ullmann 1978). These are similar to the flavours discerned in traditional Chinese medicine, where herbal agents are classed according to whether they possess such distinctions as sourness, sweetness, bitterness, saltiness, pungency, blandness and astringency. These categories are not abstract or abstruse rationalizations, but rather the representation of clear and direct sensory experience. Each particular taste is associated with certain properties. For example, in Chinese medicine: bitter herbs have ‘drying, reducing and downward-moving capabilities. (They) can dry Dampness and dissolve Phlegm … [and] reduce Heat from the internal organs’ (Yang 2002). This is a very practical set of correspondences, based on observation and experience. The taste of the herb is associated with its sensed and observed ability to, for instance, warm (pungency, as in ginger) or cool (bitters) the body, or to be drying (astringent) or moistening (saltiness) in character. This range of information provides a pattern of activity, which can then be mapped against, and applied to, patterns of illness. When the patient has a condition that is hot and wet in its manifestation (such as a fever accompanied by sweating), then the requirement for herbal treatment that is cooling and drying is obvious. Such reasoning is at the core of ancient medical systems and constitutes the experiential origin of therapeutics.
Shape-Shifting
In order for herbal substances to be accommodated within the dominant nature-phobic medical culture they need to be transformed or disguised. The most radical form of transformation takes place when the multi-compound complexity of a whole herb is reduced to a single ‘active constituent’, thereby actually becoming a ‘real’ conventional drug (i.e. a single, simple chemical compound). Whole herbs are not easily included into biomedical practice but the more a herbal remedy is disguised to look and feel like a conventional drug, the greater will be its chance of acceptance. This means that it should ideally be a chemically standardized extract of a solitary herb, presented in a processed coated pill form that is branded, packaged and corporatized. Ernst and Singh (2008) paternalistically advise that herbal medicine users only take single plant remedies, making sure to avoid traditional mixtures of herbs (herbalist’s ‘concoctions’); in their view only standardized preparations of herbs are to be permitted, and these should be bought in a packaged pill form off a pharmacy shelf. What if we were to suggest that herbs could be picked for free from the wild? Presumably Ernst and Singh would be horrified by the idea, yet their protestations would not travel well outside of the UK where they are based – it would be difficult, for instance, to persuade Danes, Germans and Italians that it is ill-advised to pick wild mushrooms! Following such drug-centric, nature-phobic advice directs one to products in which the herb tends to lose its taste and wherein it can no longer be savoured: odourless, tasteless, intangible – it ceases to have any connection with food and consequently enters into a changed relationship with the digestive system and, hence, the whole organism.
When researchers approach herbs from the perspective of positivist science, a one-way process generally follows with the herb being assimilated into the conventional model. Little or nothing is learned from the story that the herb brings with it. Typically, when attention is paid to traditional records and practitioners, or even where sophisticated original background ethnobotanical research has been conducted with native healers, pharmaceutical company funded research is only ultimately interested in generating leads that may give rise to a new and marketable drug – at which point the ‘back story’ is ditched. In his book Prospecting for Drugs in Ancient and Medieval European Texts, Holland (1996) talks of: ‘The use of folk beliefs and traditional healers as a short-cut to the discovery and isolation of pharmacologically active compounds …’, as opposed to promoting renewed use of the herbs themselves. The assumption is that herbal medicines are of no value in their own right, although they might provide clues that enable the production of ‘proper’ drugs. Why not just run trials on the herbs themselves and, if the old herbals are proven to be correct, then promote the wider use of herbs in medical practice? In answering that question, fiscal as well as scientific bias needs to be considered.
The absolutist nature of positivist science is typified by Dawkins (2003) who asserts that there are no such entities as ‘conventional’ and ‘complementary and alternative medicine’ (CAM) but merely ‘medicine that works and medicine that does not work’. He is confident that if so-called CAM practices (such as herbal medicine) are proven to work by means of double-blind randomized placebo controlled trials (RCTs) – if they are able to ‘pass that test’ – then ‘mainstream medicine would simply adopt them’. This is a view of biomedical substance, process and assimilation of cartoon-like quality, that displays either stunning naivety or wilful perversity. In this monotheistic view, biomedicine is portrayed as the only legitimate form of medicine. It has the capacity to incorporate techniques and materials into its scope but only when these comply with its own scientific normative standards – there is no need to question these principles, only to rigorously apply them. In order for CAM practices (or aspects of them) to enter the big tent of biomedicine they merely need to show their passport at the flap – suitably stamped ‘RCT’. In fact biomedicine cannot eat CAM practices whole – they first need to be prepared into a suitably digestible form via marination in approved forms of research. Yet even long steeping of this kind may still fail to render them appetizing. Would Dawkins be surprised to find that doctors (in the UK at least) are not prescribing the heavily research-validated St John’s Wort for depression? For all its evidence-base, this herb somehow remains foreign, it fails to fit in, and meets with the kind of incomprehension and xenophobia that all too commonly characterize the position of the dominant culture in response to the immigrant. Despite what Dawkins has suggested, it appears that the world of biomedicine is not value free.
Food, Medicine and Pharmacology
In Ayurvedic medicine, as in other traditional systems, taste is central to appreciating the qualities of herbs as well as foods. Joshi et al. (2006) equate ‘taste’ with the Sanskrit word ‘Rasa’ which ‘refers to a complex totality of experience arising from all the perceptory interactions of the material with sensors in the mouth and nasal passages, taste buds, olfactory and chemesthetic receptors’. The notion of ‘Rasa’ incorporates six primary tastes, similar to those already mentioned in ancient Graeco-Roman and Chinese medicine: sweet, sour, salty, pungent, bitter, and astringent. Each primary taste is said to be composed of specific combinations of the elements and exerts particular influences on the Ayurvedic humoural system (i.e. the three ‘doshas’ of kapha, pitta and vata). For example, the sweet taste is composed of earth and water, it increases kapha and decreases pitta and vata. Further differentiations of taste are drawn in Ayurveda, including the concepts of ‘virya’ (which identifies thermal, tactile and other effects with eight descriptions that are formed into four complementary pairs: hot–cold, unctuous–dry, heavy–light, dull–sharp) and ‘vipaka’ (which describes three types of aftertaste: sweet, sour and pungent).
Beauchamp et al. (2005) found that the drug Ibuprofen and a compound found in extra-virgin olive oil (oleo canthal) both caused a similar stinging sensation in the throat. Although possessing different chemical structures, both agents share similar anti-inflammatory activity as COX-1 and COX-2 inhibitors. Joshi et al. (2006) refer to this research, seeing it as offering modern confirmation of the value traditionally placed on taste, and suggesting that: ‘Using “taste” as an additional tool, new phytochemicals of desired therapeutic activity might be more rapidly identified’. Taste is a pharmacological detection tool, since different tastes are triggered by different chemical compounds: bitterness relates to compounds including iridioids, sourness to certain acids, sweetness to polysaccharides, astringency to tannins and so on. In this way, even the most primary, non-technological relationship between people and plants can be rendered to the service of biomedicine. Alongside the plundering of the knowledge of traditional healers and of ancient herbal texts, the very sense of taste itself can be exploited to reductive pharmacological ends. In these realms, the balance between justification and appropriation of herbal medicine is played out: proponents of herbal medicine can use traditional and pharmacological evidence to justify the validity of herbal medicine, while biomedicine can use the same means to appropriate it. This paired agenda is one of the key sites of tension in the interface between herbal and conventional medicine.
Ullmann (1978) further describes al-Majusi’s distinctions between foods and medicines, which are based on how the body changes, and is changed by, these two types of substances. Al-Majusi’s perspective is divided into four categories of relationships:
1. Remedies in the absolute sense are the materials which the body at first changes but which then change the body and transform it into their temperament
2. Deadly poisons are those materials which change the body and gain power over it without the body being able to resist them
3. Remedial food materials are those which at first change the body until the body gains power over them and transforms them into its own nature …
4. Finally, the (pure) foods are those which the body changes and transforms into itself.
This systemization continues to provide a good model for appreciating the differences between, as Ullmann terms them, ‘remedies’ (i.e. herbal medicines); ‘poisons’ (certain toxic herbs and conventional medicines); ‘remedial food-stuffs’ (those possessing gentle therapeutic activity); and ‘food-stuffs’ (which build the substance of the body). The ability to distinguish between plants that are foods and those that are medicines (as well as those which straddle both categories) in this way has been crucial to human survival. This understanding is also vital in other species, as the science of zoopharmacognosy is revealing (for an introduction to this area, see Engel 2007). The importance of this knowledge is testified to by the number of documents (known as ‘herbals’) from earliest times, dedicated to listing and explaining the therapeutic properties of naturally occurring substances – principally botanical material. A stunning example is the Ebers Papyrus (discovered by Georg Ebers in the 1870s), which gives some 700 remedies for a wide variety of conditions. This ancient Egyptian text, dating from around BCE 1550, is considered the oldest medical text extant. Numerous other herbals are left to us from around the world from Ancient Greece and Rome, Mediaeval Europe, India, Central America and China.
Co-Evolution
According to Wynne-Edwards (2001): ‘Evidence of coevolution of plants and herbivores is abundant’. Animals have used plants for food and plants have responded by developing mechanisms to deter them. While some plants may accrue positive gains from being consumed once they have developed seeds (the animal can then spread the seed in useful manure-wrapped deposits), they are at risk of being destroyed without benefit if eaten before this point. Some plant defences are physical (e.g. thorns) but most are chemical. Many chemical defences produced by plants taste unpleasant to us (e.g. intense bitterness) – the unpleasantness is the deterrent, while our retention of this sense of unpleasantness helps to protect us from consuming too much. This poses palatability challenges when working with herbal medicines, and relates to such folk wisdom as: ‘The worse the medicine tastes the better it is for you’.
Animals have developed a range of strategies in adapting to plant defences, as Wynne-Edwards (2001) describes:
The origins of herbal therapy then, lie very deep – through co-evolution with plants we are hardwired for a dynamic interaction with plant secondary metabolites. This relationship is not limited to the purely physical level. O’Doherty et al. (2001) have shown that both pleasant and unpleasant tastes influence the amygdala (a brain structure associated with emotional and mental activity) and the psychoactive (especially hallucinogenic) properties of some plants can be considered as a particular category of deterrent innovation that have influenced humans profoundly – shaping beliefs about the world.
Wholeness and Complexity
• Slower to accumulate effects
• Safer (generating no or fewer and less severe adverse effects and producing less or no tolerance over time)
• Wider ranging in the scope of effects achieved (often across multiple body systems)
Appreciation of the chemical complexity of the ‘whole’ plant presents pharmacological challenges both technically and conceptually. The complexity can extend to such an extent that a single herb may have a great number of different actions. For example, yarrow (Achillea millefolium) is said to be a: diaphoretic, antipyretic, peripheral vasodilator, anti-inflammatory, spasmolytic, bitter tonic, styptic (haemostatic), antimicrobial, anti-haemorrhagic and vulnerary (wound healing) herb (Bone 2003). It is only when one appreciates the great diversity of chemical composition in plants that one can understand or accept the possibility that a single herb might encompass the breadth of actions that would require assembly of a large part of the conventional pharmacy to be matched. It is in the nature of herbs, as ‘polypharmacies’ in and of themselves, to influence more than one ‘target’ at a time; their effects are diffuse, complex and wide ranging. Such therapy enables (and, to be optimally successful, requires) a broad approach to the patient that allows for the emergence of unique healing pictures since the outcomes of this type of medicine cannot be fully predicted due to the wide variety of body systems that may be modulated. To practice herbal medicine then, it is essential to be comfortable with a degree of uncertainty regarding the form of results (but in which practice of medicine is this not also true?). The key to successful herbal practice is to be highly sensitive and responsive to the patient’s changes (no matter how subtle) at each consultation, varying the prescription accordingly. Herein lies a central feature of herbal practice: as the patient’s picture changes over time, the herbal prescription they receive will also change to reflect and positively adapt or propel these developments, since a course of professional herbal treatment is a dynamically evolving rather than static process.
• Where the herb is grown (habitat, altitude, etc.)
• Naturally varying aspects of the growing conditions (rainfall, humidity, sun exposure, etc.)
• How the herb is processed (drying method, tincture method, etc.).
• Herbal practitioners claim to ‘use the whole plant to treat the whole person’, with allowance being made for the complexity and variability of the person, just as must occur (to some degree) with the plant.
• Typically, long consultation times in modern herbal practice provide space to explore the patient’s history across its full range, giving credence to information that might in conventional medical consultations be considered ‘dross’.