5 Case history-taking
Hearing the patient’s story
General Considerations
Taking the History
Case history-taking, as we discussed in the previous chapter, is the key means of getting to know the patient. The majority of diagnoses in phytotherapy, conventional medicine and many other modalities are based principally on the case history. For example, Peterson et al. (1992), studying medical doctors, found that in 76% of cases: ‘the leading diagnosis after taking the history agreed with the diagnosis accepted at the time the record was reviewed two months after the initial visit’. Yet, despite its central importance, in conventional medical practice, it has been suggested that ‘skilled history-taking is in danger of becoming a lost art’ (Schechter et al. 1996). We can propose that this is likely to be primarily due to biomedicine’s emphasis on acute medicine (where history-taking tends to be pointed and abbreviated) and over-emphasis (leading to over-reliance) on investigative technology. Herbal practice remains a place where the case history is accorded central importance and where adequate space is made available for its exploration. This is in part because herbal practice has been less occupied with acute medicine and more focussed on chronicity (especially since around the mid-twentieth century) and the attendant need of the chronically ill patient for more profound personal exploration of their predicament; and since herbal practice has been excluded from mainstream medicine it has not had direct access to, and therefore has not become excessively entangled with, technological methods of patient exploration.
Summary of the Aims of History-Taking
The History of the Case History
Epstein et al. (1997) maintain that: ‘For generations, there has been little change in the method of recording information from the history’, but is such an argument sustainable? Certainly the ‘method of recording’ has changed dramatically, at least in biomedicine, in that patient records are now computerized, although we will save discussing the intrusion of the computer as the ‘third person in the consulting room’ for later. I take Epstein to mean, however, that the process of taking the history is little changed, but again this is hard to credit. As doctors have moved from the bedside to being desk-bound, there has also been a shift of location of emphasis from the context of patient (represented by ‘bed’: resting, sleeping, dreaming, copulating) to that of doctor (’desk’: acting, writing, filing, working). Factors such as the means by which information is recorded and the setting in which information is obtained affect the conduct and content of the consultation itself, including history-taking.
We should not assume, despite the emphasis placed on the importance of the history at the beginning of this chapter, that the ‘case history’ – meaning a verbal dialogue between patient and practitioner – has always been the dominant means of knowing the patient or that ‘case history’ has always equated to ‘verbal dialogue’. Kuriyama (1999) provides an alternative perspective:
Commenting on the case reports collected in the Hippocratic Epidemics, Nutton (2004) observes that the authors ‘are already selective in their presentation of signs and symptoms, focussing in particular on things that would, in future, enable the writer (and later his audience) to estimate the severity of a similar condition, forecast its outcome and, where possible, intervene successfully’. Nutton lists the relationships and features associated with disease described in the case histories in Epidemics 1:
The relationship between herbal medicine and shamanism is profound but complex. In ancient indigenous cultures, the possession of substantial personal knowledge of the healing properties of a wide range of plants is commonplace and tends to be seen as ordinary or basic knowledge that is therefore considered unremarkable, although some people have greater knowledge than others and are accorded ‘practitioner’ status. Lenaerts (2006) studied the Asheninka people who live on the Peru–Brazil border and found a distinction in that: ‘Shamans are deemed to have a superior knowledge, since they are able to heal illnesses that ordinary people or herbalists cannot’ although herbalism and shamanism do not represent ‘two specialized, separate fields of healing, (rather) they form two distinct expressions of the same issues’ [original emphasis]. The shaman’s advantage does not rest in his superior knowledge of plants (in fact Lenaerts suggests that, in some cultures at least, the shaman may know less about healing plants than other types of healers) but rather in his status as a ‘specialist in relationships with other beings’. The Asheninka shaman is able, with the assistance of ingested ‘entheogenic’ plants (entheogen means ‘God generated within’, and is an alternative way of viewing and describing so-called ‘hallucinogenic’ plants) to meet other beings such as plants, animals and stones as people. Discourse with these beings can lead (among other things) to diagnostic insights and the subsequent implementation of therapeutic strategies.
The ‘Conversation’
Referring to the ‘case history’ may seem somewhat inadequate to the task of describing a way of looking that includes assessment of the present and speculation about the future, since ‘history’ is commonly perceived as referring to the study of what is past. Collins English Dictionary (2000) describes ‘history’ as deriving from ‘Latin historia, from Greek: enquiry, from historein to narrate, from histor judge’ and gives one definition of history as a: ‘Narrative relating the events of a character’s life’. Enquiry, narrative, events, judgement – these are all features of the consultation that can easily be identified with the case history. Churchill’s Medical Dictionary (1989) defines the case history blandly as: ‘A recording of information relating to a particular case …’. This view, emphasizing the production of a historical record by a neutral observer, lacks any sense of the assessment and dynamic interplay that occurs during the process of history-taking – of what the practitioner gives to the encounter alongside what she takes away from it. So perhaps there is a better term to describe the question and answer session that transpires during the consultation, and which, in contemporary phytotherapy at least, forms its most significant part?
It was the convention in medical textbooks on clinical examination until recent times to describe it as ‘the interrogation’ (e.g. Hunter & Bomford 1956; Macleod 1967). This term refers to formal and detailed questioning but it also suggests aggression and its use in medicine is now hard to countenance since the word ‘interrogation’ is inextricably linked with a visual image of a bright light being shone into one’s face. The negative associations we have with the concept of interrogation are disturbing, since we now connect the word with torture. Many authors have described and considered the history of, and continuing involvement between, medicine and torture (e.g. Maio 2001; Lifton 2004; Klein 2007). A recent questionnaire-based study (Bean et al. 2008) exploring the attitudes of one population of American medical students (336 students at the University of Illinois College of Medicine) to the ‘permissibility and ethics of the use of torture’ found that ‘35 percent of students agreed that torture could be “condoned” under some circumstances. Moreover, 24 percent … disagreed that torture should “be prohibited” as a matter of state policy and a similar 24 percent disagreed that torture was “intrinsically wrong”’. This is a hugely complex as well as troubling area but we may suggest that an excessive, indeed a pathological, emphasis on objectivity and clinical distance is one amongst a number of underlying factors that enable medical torture. If objectivity extends to the objectification of bodies, and if clinical distance ranges to the point where human connection and feeling is lost, then some of the conditions in which unforced torture can be conducted are set. Clinicians are still encouraged to ‘put the spotlight on the patient’ and ‘keep yourself out of the picture’ but we should remain aware of the double reading that is possible when this type of language is used.
• Act as a manager in approving the patient’s application (‘following a successful interview’) to be a sick person by conferring a diagnosis and a course of treatment to be followed
• Act as a journalist in taking the patient’s information and spinning it into a (more or less reliable) story. In this role we can see the short conventional medicine consultation as a form of rushed TV interviewing where only pre-formulated sound-bites can register and a nuanced discussion of the complexity and multidimensionality of a given issue is impossible.
Some clinicians have suggested the use of ‘conversation’ (e.g. Kaplan 2001), which is certainly informal and devoid of unpleasant connotations but seems a little, well, aimless and insipid. We know that a lot of conversations ‘don’t go anywhere’, that people tend to make ‘polite conversation’ and do things ‘just for the sake of’ conversation. Perhaps it would help if we medicalized it by calling it the ‘clinical conversation’? Or therapized it by calling it the ‘therapeutic conversation’? Or how about we try something else – the ‘discussion’ anybody?
The Nature of History
Gadamer (1989) addresses the issue of historical analysis and its temporal separation from its topic of study, commenting with reference to works of art. He recognizes that in historical studies, it is generally believed that: ‘objective knowledge can be achieved only if there has been a certain historical distance’ from the creation of the object, and maintains that ‘it is true that what a thing has to say, its intrinsic content, first appears only after it is divorced from the fleeting circumstances that first gave rise to it’. A person is not a ‘thing’ and does not materially endure for long, although the same could be said of ‘the baroque period’ or ‘the enlightenment’ and yet, these continue to be topics of historical study. We can consider previous events in the patient’s life (or their ‘previous medical history’) to represent ‘things’, however – at the time of the consultation the patient may have achieved enough distance from the event for it to be open to analysis and be capable of yielding its ‘intrinsic content’. Yet the practitioner is frequently trying to make sense of events as they happen, to make sense of ‘fleeting circumstances’ especially in acute medicine. At these times it is necessary to make the best judgement one can and then to keep that assessment continually open to revision.
Gadamer (1989) further describes the dominant historical perspective:
In the introduction to their exceptional book looking at emotions and their connections with the ‘histories of art, music and medicine’ Gouk and Hills (2005) describe an approach to the practice of history that fits with, and contains insights for, that pertaining to the taking of the case history:
• Chronological and geographical considerations are similarly difficult in the consultation – recall the non-chronological chaos narrative and the difficulty of anatomically locating conditions such as chronic fatigue syndrome.
• It is important to avoid privileging one particular model or authority in conducting the consultation lest one’s ability to work synthetically and see creatively is impeded.
• We could use identical language to describe one of the primary aims of the case history as being to: ‘focus the investigative spotlight on specific moments when one formulation of emotions conflicts or converges with another, or when gaps or ellipses in one discourse on emotion are illuminated by another’. This statement of intent has even wider utility if, in place of ‘emotions’ we broaden the remit to ‘emotions/symptoms/stories’.
• This approach is better suited to detecting which features, aspects and themes in the patient’s picture are of greatest significance and which are less deserving of attention.
Foucault (1963) has distinguished between the ‘historical’ and ‘philosophical’ perception of disease. Here, ‘history’ has to do with such matters as the symptoms and course of the disease whereas the philosophical approach calls ‘into question the origin, the principle, the causes of disease’. In practice these are not separate but rather interweaving lines of thought – as soon as we have some sense of the historical features of the patient’s condition we philosophize as to their meaning. The ebb and flow of this process is strongest in the early part of the consultation where multiple philosophical analyses may be made rapidly and, indeed, intuitively, in response to historical information until the field of options becomes clearer (note that this does not necessarily mean narrower). The practitioner cast as historian, then, needs to be a historian–philosopher; but what use would a historian lacking in philosophy be in any case?
Clinical Hermeneutics
Leder (1990) argues that: ‘clinical medicine can best be understood not as a purified science but as a hermeneutical enterprise: that is, as involved with the interpretation of texts’ and he identifies four textual forms that relate to the consultation:
• The ‘experiential text’ of illness as lived out by the patient
• The ‘narrative text’ constituted during history-taking
• The ‘physical text’ of the patient’s body as objectively examined
• The ‘instrumental text’ constructed by diagnostic technologies.
How far can/should we take the concept of textual analysis? Leder suggests we should follow the hermeneutical thread a long way down because, at root: ‘certain flaws in modern medicine arise from its refusal of a hermeneutical self-understanding (such that) in seeking to escape all interpretive subjectivity, medicine has threatened to expunge its primary subject – the living, experiencing patient’. The case seems an urgent and crucial one then, except this analysis fails to factor in the substantive rebellion that takes place daily at grassroots level on the part of both patients and practitioners who reject being treated/treating people like automata rather than persons. Churchill (1990), however, argues that Leder does not go far enough and that it is insufficient to limit the hermeneutical argument to medicine, it should be extended to recognize that science itself is, at its core, a hermeneutic enterprise. Baron (1990) meanwhile queries the notion of the textual metaphor since it ‘runs the risk of conceptualizing patients as more static than they are’ and because it does not fit the characteristics of the consultation in that ‘the qualities of mutuality and determinacy are not those one usually associates with texts’. Baron ends by calling for a different metaphor that captures the uncertainty resident in practitioner’s comprehensions of patients. OK, Baron says, you’ve told us to look at the patient’s texts – but it just doesn’t work like that; that doesn’t fit the reality of the clinical encounter – even if one is well disposed to the hermeneutical way.
Churchill (1990) argues that it is necessary to question the foundations of medicine and science and discover that they rest on a base that has to do with hermeneutics. Upshur (2002) questions the notion of a ‘base’ for the practice of medicine with regard to a discussion of evidence-based medicine (EBM) and suggests that, if we are to talk of bases and foundations, they must be pluralistic in nature. Upshur sees no reason why there should be any ‘sharp conflict between facts and values’ and references medical and scientific theorists who are attempting to overcome this duality. He perceives a growing appreciation of the ‘complex values, perceptions and beliefs that frame how medicine is practised’ and notes that the ‘focus on interpretation, subjectivity, natural language and qualitative methods highlights dimensions of practice that escape the methods of EBM’. Such a focus on combining interpretive approaches ‘is likely to lead a move from the metaphor of a uniform base for medicine as the consideration of the qualitative domain acknowledges multiplicity of perspectives and meanings’. Furthermore, Upshur asserts: ‘medicine and health care are not in need of a single solid foundation, but can operate well in a dynamic emergent framework’ that is woven from these multiple ways of perceiving. This brings us back to the fund of stories that represent the roots of knowing and how we might make sense of these ‘texts’ as they form within and around the individual patient and returns us to Baron’s query about how we can work with patient’s texts in a way that reflects the inter-relational plasticity of the clinical encounter and which takes account of the underlying uncertainties in this dynamic. We can best deal with this by moving on to the next section considering one key interpretive method that can be applied to case history-taking.
Narrative-Based Medicine
Much has been written about which techniques and behaviours constitute ‘communication skills’ and how they can be developed and we will draw on some of this work later in this chapter. We will also discuss the structure of the consultation format and the steps in its enactment in the ‘History formats’ section of this chapter. However, regardless of our knowledge and ability in applying such skills, and despite our structural awareness, what we hear in the case history and what we learn from it will be shaped by what we are listening out for (what we are tuned to hear). This tuning is adjusted by what we think are the aims of the consultation and what we think is going on in the case taking. The narrative approach considers that what is essentially occurring in the consultation is a process of storytelling, although this, in itself, tells us little – no more than the blank assertion that patients can be perceived as a collection of texts. What is key to unlocking both of these concepts (history-as-story and history-as-text) lies in the interpretation of these phenomena. Narrative-based medicine represents a contrasting approach to positivistic, deterministic, reductionist medicine in that it is interpretivistic, relativistic, holistic. But stating the case in this way is to suggest a polarity of thought and action that, while it is easy to set on the page (in the ‘text’) does not accurately reflect the reality of practice. Practitioners may, when they think about it (or more commonly when they are asked to think about it) come down on one side or other of an ideological divide between positivism and interpretivism but in the act of practising we tend to be pragmatic. I have already suggested, for instance, that different approaches come into play in dealing with acute and chronic cases. Practitioners in action do not pause to think ‘hmm, shall I take a positivistic or an interpretivistic approach here?’, rather, having an awareness of differing approaches and knowledge of a variety of models and techniques provides options and informs practice.
Narrative-based medicine (NBM) is not an alternative to evidence-based medicine (EBM). Patient narratives are a form of evidence just as research represents a type of narrative. If we recall Sackett et al.’s (2000) definition of EBM as ‘the integration of best research evidence with clinical expertise and patient values’, then we can easily see NBM as providing us with an appreciation of the patient’s part in this triad but we can also view each element of EBM as a narrative type since each is a text and each is a story: ‘research evidence’, ‘clinical expertise’, ‘patient values’ – all stories. Research evidence is a collection of texts, accounts of (or ‘stories about’) studies conducted with an attempt at objectivity (quantitative research) or subjectivity (qualitative research) with each type being open to (and standing in need of) interpretation. Clinical expertise represents accumulated knowledge and skills in action but which can be assessed and described in the form of texts (supervision and peer-review reports; patient feedback forms; practitioner self-reflection documents and so forth) which tell stories that can be interpreted. Patient values (which I take to mean patient opinions, expectations, preferences, morals, etc.) can be assessed in the case history, written down as text and interpreted. Seen from this perspective, any notion of setting up NBM/EBM as opposing models breaks down and becomes unsustainable – they are in actuality merely different takes on the same stuff.
• Topics that the patient does not wish to reveal to the practitioner
• Notions about what is allowable and what is not allowed to be said in the consultation
• Notions concerning what practitioners want to hear and what they do not want to know about
• Opinion on the manner in which information should be expressed in a consultation
• Thoughts of the possible implications of revealing or concealing information
• Feelings of security and comfort
• The extent to which the practitioner is sensed to be actually listening and genuinely interested in the patient and her story
• Time: whether the patient feels there is enough time available to express themselves (and whether they have enough time to give to the consultation, e.g. they may be in a rush to get home or to another engagement)
• The level of trust the patient feels she can place in the practitioner
• The level of ability to communicate: influenced by emotion, inhibition, educational level
• External influences: the opinions of others such as family, friends, colleagues and other healthcare practitioners
• The patient’s narrative style and bias
• ‘Other things’ that are on the patient’s mind, displacing focus on the consultation
• The patient’s mood and outlook at the particular time
• The extent to which the patient feels well enough and has sufficient energy to fully engage with the consultation.
The practitioner normally initiates the patient’s storytelling by saying something like:
• Personal fund of story models (which include experiences, education, clinical models, etc.)
• Perception of the aims of the consultation and ethical and bureaucratic parameters/constraints
• Personal predicament (energy level, mood, degree of thirst/hunger/satiety, environment, other concerns on her mind, etc.)
So how and when should the interpretive exercise around the patient’s narrative be done? Elwyn and Gwyn (1999) commend the use of discourse analysis which they describe as: ‘the study of language in context … [which] has its roots in linguistics, sociology and psychology but … is really no more than the examination of the processes of naturally occurring talk’. This is a method of textual analysis which works with detailed transcripts of ‘talk’ that are written using notation to indicate pauses, breaths taken, intonations, coughs, etc. Some study is required in order to be able to write and read such transcripts, particularly with regard to learning the language of the symbols used for notation. Discourse analysis can reveal the signals that patient and practitioner give to each other, not only in the words spoken but by pausing, coughing, etc. Practitioner and patient can send signals that indicate their:
• Wish to change the subject or go into more depth
• Desire to emphasize or underplay a point
• Attempt to register that they have been misunderstood
• Analysis of the discourse to do with the patient’s and the practitioner’s messages and meanings
• Generation and consideration of differential diagnoses
• Reflection on potential treatment options or modulations
Gray (2007) has warned of the dangers of constructing grand unifying narratives in a searing critique of current utopianism and millenarianism: