Culture and Illness
A Chinese-American patient who has chronic heart disease is more likely to die on the fourth than on any other day of the month. This puzzling observation, called “The Hound of the Baskervilles Effect” because of a similar occurrence in the classic Sir Arthur Conan Doyle novel, is attributed to the stress provoked by the similarity in the Chinese language between the spoken words for “four” and “death” (Phillips et al., 2001).
Culture and ethnicity can influence a patient’s health also by less dramatic means. Attitudes toward health care providers, adherence to treatment, beliefs about the causes and management of illness, and use of specific dietary and health practices are significantly affected by culture. While seeming at first to make little sense and even to hamper the delivery of care, cultural beliefs, which are often based on empiric observations over time, can improve health care. For example, curcumin, a component of turmeric, a spice historically used in India to treat burns (see Table 20-4), appears to confer protection from burns caused by radiation therapy (Okunieff et al., 2002) and may be useful to facilitate lung function in the treatment of cystic fibrosis (Zeitlin, 2004). In contrast, when cultural health beliefs are suspected or rejected, the outcome can be tragic. In a true case documented in The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (Fadiman, 1997), a child with epilepsy in a Hmong (Laotian) family died because the family’s beliefs about her illness and its treatment were not understood or accepted by her American doctors. Culture-associated dietary issues can also play a significant role in health. Gastric cancer rates, about ten times higher in Japan than in the United States, are reduced in Japanese immigrants to the United States with a further reduction in American-born Japanese. This decrease has been attributed primarily to differences in diet (e.g., decreased ingestion of nitrate-rich food) between Japan and the United States (Blackburn et al., 2006).
Physicians who understand the health beliefs, customs, and characteristics of specific groups of people have acquired cultural competency, a skill that will help them communicate with, encourage trust in, and ultimately provide the most effective clinical care to their patients.
• ETHNOCULTURAL ISSUES IN HEALTH CARE
Graduation ceremonies at large American universities and medical schools reveal our great cultural diversity. This country of more than 309 million people is made up primarily of immigrants and descendants of immigrants from countries outside of the United States.
Although composed of many subcultures, the American culture seems to have certain characteristics of its own. For example, financial and personal independence are valued at all ages, especially in the elderly. Youthfulness and continued sexual interest into old age are also valued. Store shelves crowded with soaps and deodorants for every part of the body demonstrate the almost obsessive American emphasis on personal hygiene and cleanliness.
Culture and illness
In the United States, the large, white, middle class is the major cultural influence, and subcultures include African American, Latino, Asian American, Native American, and Middle Eastern American. Because cultural groups vary in their health beliefs and practices, this diversity poses important challenges for physicians. For example, schizophrenia is seen to about the same extent in all cultures (see Chapter 12), but the presentation of its symptoms (e.g., delusions of persecution) typically differs by culture. For example, although a white patient may fear that the FBI is after her, an Asian-American patient may believe that the ghost of a dead relative is torturing her, and an African-American patient may believe that someone has put a curse on her (Westermeyer, 1988).
Physician’s attitudes
Most folk beliefs and remedies are benign and can be included in the patient’s medical treatment plan. For example, a patient who believes that his illness can be cured by eating a certain food should be helped to get the food. Similarly, if the patient believes that an outside influence like a hex or a curse imposed by the anger of another person caused her illness, the doctor should ask the patient who can help to remove the curse and then involve that individual in the patient’s treatment. When a folk remedy is potentially harmful or medically contraindicated, the doctor can explain the danger and substitute a similar but safe remedy that harmonizes with the patient’s belief system. Whatever the plan, patients tend to be more satisfied with their care and to comply with treatment recommendations when their physicians acknowledge and have a nonjudgmental attitude toward their cultural and religious beliefs and practices.
case 20.1
THE PATIENT
A 75-year-old Vietnamese man is brought to the emergency room by his daughter with whom he lives because he has been having difficulty breathing. The patient, who is diagnosed with congestive heart failure, is alert and oriented. He speaks little English, and the doctor communicates the diagnosis and treatment plan to him through his daughter. As she interprets for the patient, the daughter uses only a few words to interpret the doctor’s lengthy explanations of the illness and treatment to the patient.
COMMENT
Family members can be important allies for doctors. However, in this instance, the daughter appears to be editing the doctor’s statements, perhaps to protect her elderly father from the negative medical diagnosis. Protecting elderly relatives from stressful medical information is seen in several cultural groups, including Asians, Latinos, and Middle Easterners. Because the doctor needs to communicate with his patients directly, it is not appropriate for the doctor to use the daughter as an interpreter. His best course is to use a professional interpreter rather than a relative in order to interact directly with his patient (the elderly man in this case).
MANAGEMENT
The continuing treatment regimen for this patient involves several different medications and is quite complex. During hospitalization and after the patient is discharged from the hospital, the doctor can keep in regular direct contact with him through the interpreter.
Speaking with patients
Adult patients are addressed using their correct titles, such as Mr., Ms., or Dr., and family names. Using first or given names to address patients is not appropriate. However, the correct title and family name may not be obvious. For example, in people from certain parts of India, what appears to be the last or family name is actually the given name. Among the Chinese, the family name commonly comes first and is followed by the given name. For example, for someone named Yang Lin Lin, Yang is the family name. Sikh patients are likely to have three names, the first, the religious (typically Singh for men and Kaur for women), and the family name. If it is not clear, the doctor should ask the patient what the family name is and how the patient would like to be addressed.
No matter what the ethnicity or culture, it is essential that the physician speak directly to the patient. For non-English-speaking patients, a professional interpreter should be used to facilitate communication. Using a child or adult child for this role is not appropriate (Salas-Lopez et al., 2002).
Culture shock
Culture shock is a strong emotional response related to geographic relocation and the need to adapt to unfamiliar social and cultural surroundings. It is reduced when immigrants of a particular culture gather in the same geographic area. Young immigrant men appear to be at higher risk of culture shock, including psychiatric symptoms such as paranoia and depression, than women and other age groups. This increased risk has been attributed to at least two factors. First, young men lose the most status on leaving their culture of origin. In addition, unlike others in the cultural group who can stay at home among familiar people, young men often must venture out into the new culture, learn the new language, and earn a living.
Ethnic disparities in health care
Certain racial and ethnic minorities in the United States face significant obstacles to obtaining quality health care. These difficulties lead to higher mortality rates in these groups from some common disorders (LeCook et al., 2009). For example, African Americans and Latinos have less access to physical and mental health care services than other Americans and, when they do receive care, it is often of poorer quality. These disparities are not caused solely by economic factors or lack of physical access to care. They exist even when incomes and health care insurance are equal. Communication difficulties, overt bias (Flores, 2000), and physician-held negative racial stereotypes about African Americans and Latinos ( Smedley et al., 2002) contribute to the poorer health care for these groups. Other elements contributing to ethnic disparities in health care include the typically shorter-term relationships between minority patients and primary care physicians and the relative scarcity of minority physicians.
• AMERICAN SUBCULTURES
Illness and hospitalization interrupt an individual’s dietary, grooming, and health care routines. Knowledge of that individual’s preferences and requirements can help reduce the stress caused by such interruptions. Table 20-1 lists questions that the physician can use to identify a patient’s specific religious and cultural preferences and requirements.
Although people in ethnic, religious, and cultural groups share some characteristics, there is more variability than similarity among the individuals in the group. Thus, although it is important to understand normative cultural beliefs and behaviors, patients must first be viewed as individuals. With the caveat that clinicians should avoid stereotyping their patients by these parameters, examples of dietary, dress, and health practices of specific ethnic and religious groups are given in Tables 20-2, 20-3, and 20-4. (Also see Figs. 20-1, 20-2, 20-3, and 20-4.)
African Americans
There are approximately 37 million African Americans, 12.4% of the total U.S. population. The average income of African-American families is only about half that of white families. Coupled with other health care disparities (see previous text), financial factors result in decreased access to health care services and increased health risks. When compared with white Americans, African Americans have shorter life expectancies (see Fig. 4-1) and higher rates of infant mortality (see Table 1-4), hypertension, heart disease, stroke, obesity, asthma, tuberculosis, diabetes, prostate cancer, and AIDS. In fact, African-American men and women are 15 times and 5 times more likely to have AIDS than white men and women, respectively. African Americans also have higher death rates from heart disease and all forms of cancer. Although the higher cancer mortality rates among African Americans compared with white Americans had been attributed mainly to biological differences between the races, recent studies suggest that this difference is more likely to result from economic factors and coexisting medical conditions affecting African Americans than from genetic factors (Bach et al., 2002). As evidence for this, African-American women under the age of 50 years have lower breast cancer survival rates than do white women of the same age. However, African-American women and white women aged 65 years and older (who all have Medicare benefits; see Chapter 27) have equivalent survival rates (see Chapter 27) (Chu, 2003). Genetics, however, may be an important factor in the increased rate of hypertension in African Americans. When compared with white Americans, African Americans appear to be more salt sensitive and to respond better to diuretics (with or without concurrent angiotensin-converting enzyme [ACE] inhibitors) than to therapy with ACE inhibitors alone (Lopes, 2002).
America’s long and destructive history of racism, fueled by tragic events like the Tuskegee Institute Study, in which African-American men with syphilis were given a placebo instead of an effective medication, has resulted in a general distrust among some African Americans of the white-dominated health care system. This has resulted in low participation in organ donation programs and clinical trials, as well as reluctance to seek routine preventive care for diseases like HIV (Thomas & Quinn, 1991).
table 20.1 QUESTIONING PATIENTS ABOUT ETHNOCULTURAL ISSUES | ||||||
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